What is Anarchism? By Albert R. Parsons 1887
Anarchism and American Traditions By Voltairine de Cleyre 1932
ABC of Anarchism By Alexander Berkman 1929
Notes on Anarchism By Noam Chomsky in "For Reasons of State", 1970
Noam Chomsky on Anarchism, Marxism & Hope for the Future An Interview By Kevin Doyle May 1995
Anarchism: What it Really Stands For By Emma Goldman 1917
An Introduction to Anarchism By Liz A. Highleyman
The Principles of Anarchism by Lucy E. Parsons
Anarchist Theory and Practice
By Lorenzo Komboa Ervin
Chapter 3 from "Anarchism and the Black Revolution"
Monkey Wrench Press, 1994
The
major aim of this chapter is to list the major elements of Anarchist
thought and to give examples of what some Anarchists think about them.
Unlike other streams of political thought, Anarchists do not elevate
certain texts or individuals above others. There are different types of
Anarchists with many points of disagreement. The primary areas of
debate among Anarchists relate to what form of organization should be
struggled for and what tactics we should use. For instance, some of
their most significant differences concern the economic organization of
future society. Some Anarchists reject money, and substitute a system
of trade in which work is exchanged for goods and services. Others
reject all forms of trade or barter or private ownership as Capitalism,
and feel that all major property should be owned in common.
There are Anarchists who believe in guerilla warfare, including
assassination, bombings, bank expropriations, etc., as one means of
revolutionary attacks on the State. But there also are Anarchists who
believe almost exclusively in organizational, labor or community work.
There is no single type, nor do they all agree on strategy and tactics.
Some are opposed to violence; some accept it only in self-defense or
during a revolutionary insurrection.
Anarchists and Anarchism have historically been misrepresented to the
world. The popular impression of an Anarchist as an uncontrollably
emotional, violent person who is only interested in destruction for its
own sake, and who is opposed to all forms of organization, still
persists to this day. Further, the mistaken belief that Anarchy is
chaos and confusion, a reign of rape, murder and mindless-total
disorder and insanity is widely believed by the general public.
This false impression primarily is still widely believed because people
from across the political spectrum have consciously been promoting this
lie for years. All who strive to oppress and exploit the working class,
and gain power for themselves, whether they come from the right or the
left, will always be threatened by Anarchism. This is because
Anarchists hold that all authority and coercion must be struggled
against. In fact, Anarchists want to get rid of the greatest
perpetrator of violence throughout history: governments. To Anarchists,
a Capitalist "democratic" government is no better than a fascist or
Communist regime, because the ruling class only differs in the amount
of violence they authorize their police and army to use and the degree
of rights they will allow, if any. Through war, police repression,
social neglect, and political repression. Governments have killed
millions of persons, whether trying to defend or overthrow a
government. Anarchists want to end this slaughter, and build a society
based on peace and freedom.
What is Anarchism? Anarchism is free or Libertarian Socialism.
Anarchists are opposed to government, the state and Capitalism.
Therefore, simply speaking, Anarchism is a no-government form of
Socialism.
"In common with all Socialists, the Anarchists hold that the private
ownership of land, capital and machinery has had its time; that it is
condemned to disappear, and that all requisites for production must and
will, become the common property of society, and be managed in common
by the producers of wealth"
- Peter Kropotkin, in his Anarchist-Communism: Its Basis and Principles.
Though there are several different "schools" of Anarchist thought,
revolutionary Anarchist or Anarchist-Communism is based upon the class
struggle, but it does not take a mechanist view of the class struggle
taken by the Mast-Leninists. For instance, it does not take the view
that only the industrial proletariat can achieve Socialism, and that
the victory of this class, led by a "communist working class party"
represent the final victory over Capitalism. Nor do we accept the idea
of a "worker's state." Anarchists believe that only the peasants,
workers and farmers can liberate themselves and that they should manage
industrial and economic production through workers' councils, factory
committees, and farm cooperatives, rather than with the interference of
a patty or government.
Anarchists are social revolutionaries, and feel that the Social
revolution is the process through which a free society will be created.
Self-management will be established in all areas of social life,
including the right of all oppressed races of people to
self-determination. As I have stated, self-determination is the right
to self-government. By their own initiative, individuals will implement
their own management of social life through voluntary associations.
They will refuse to surrender their self-direction to the State,
political parties, vanguard sects since each of these merely aid in
establishing or reestablishing domination. Anarchists believe the state
and capitalist authority will be abolished by the means of direct
action-wildcat strikes, slowdowns, boycotts, sabotage, and armed
insurrection. We recognize our goals cannot be separated from the means
used to achieve them. Hence our practice and the associations we create
will reflect the society we seek.
Crucial attention will necessarily be paid to the area of economic
organization, since it is here that the interests of everyone converge.
Under Capitalism we all have to sell our labor to survive and to feed
our families and ourselves. But after an Anarchist social revolution,
the wage system and the institution of private and state property will
be abolished and replaced with the production and distribution of goods
according to the communist principle of: "From each according to
ability, to each according to need." Voluntary associations of
producers and consumers will take common possession of the means of
production and allow the free use of all resources to any voluntary
group, provided that such use does not deprive others or does not
entail the use of wage labor. These associations could be food and
housing cooperatives, cooperative factories, community-run schools,
hospitals, recreation facilities, and other important social services.
These associations will federate with each other to facilitate their
common goals on both a territorial and functional basis.
This federalism as a concept is a form of social organization in which
self-determining groups freely agree to coordinate their activities.
The only social system that can possibly meet the diverse needs of
society, while still promoting solidarity on the widest scale, is one
that allows people to freely associate on the basis of common needs and
interests. Federalism emphasizes autonomy and decentralization, fosters
solidarity and complements groups' efforts to be as self-sufficient as
possible. Groups can then be expected to cooperate as long as they
derive mutual benefit. Contrary to the Capitalist legal system and its
contracts, if such benefits are not felt to be mutual in an Anarchist
society, any group will have the freedom to dissociate. In this manner
a flexible and self-regulating social organism will be created, always
ready to meet new needs by new organizations and adjustments.
Federalism is not a type of Anarchism, but it is an essential part of
Anarchism. It is the joining of groups and peoples for political and
economic survival and livelihood.
Anarchists have an enormous job ahead of them, and they must be able to
work together for the benefit of the idea. The Italian Anarchist Errico
Malatesta said it best when he wrote:
"Our task is that of pushing the "people" to demand and to seize all
the freedom they can to make themselves responsible for their own needs
without waiting for orders from any kind of authority. Our task is that
of demonstrating the uselessness and harmfulness of the government, or
provoking and encouraging by propaganda and action all kinds of
individual and collective initiatives." ... "After the revolution,
Anarchists will have a special mission of being the vigilant custodians
of freedom, against the aspirants to power and possible tyranny of the
majority..."
Quoted in 'Malatesta: His Life and Times', ed by Vernon Richards
So, this is the job of the federation, but it does not end with the
success of the revolution. There is much reconstruction work to be
done, and the revolution must be defended to fulfill our tasks,
Anarchists must have their own organizations. They must organize the
post-revolutionary society, and this is why Anarchists federate
themselves.
In a modern independent society, the process of federation must be
extended to all humanity. The network of voluntary associations -the
Commune- will know no borders. It could be the size of the city, state,
or nation or a society much larger than the nation-state under
Capitalism. It could be a mass commune that would encompass all the
world's peoples in a number of continental Anarchist federations, say
North America, Africa, or the Caribbean. Truly this would be a new
world! Not a United Nations or "One World government," but a united
humanity.
But our opposition is formidable-each of us has been taught to believe
in the need for government, in the absolute necessity of experts, in
taking orders, in authority - for some of us it is all new. But when we
believe in ourselves and decide we can make a society based on free,
caring individuals, that tendency within us will become the conscious
choice of freedom-loving people. Anarchists see their job as
strengthening that tendency, and show that there is no democracy or
freedom under government - whether in the United States, China or
Russia. Anarchists believe in direct democracy by the people as the
only kind of freedom and self-rule.
Types of Anarchists
But Anarchists can't be expected to agree on everything. Historically
these differences have led to distinct tendencies in Anarchist theory
and practice.
Individualist Anarchists hope for a future society in which free
individuals do their duty and share resources "according to the
dictates of abstract justice." Generally speaking, Individualists are
mere philosophers rather than revolutionary activists. They are civil
libertarians who want to reform the system to make it work 'fairly."
They were prevalent in the past century, but are still seen in
"counter-cultural" Anarchist formations, middle class philosophers, or
right-wing Libertarians.
Mutualists are Anarchists associated with the ideas of 19th century
Anarchist philosopher, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, who based his future
economy on "...a pattern of individuals and small groups possessing
(but not owning) their means of production, and bound by contracts of
mutual exchange and mutual credit (instead of money) which would insure
to each individual the product of his own labor. This type of Anarchism
appears when Individualists begin to put their ideas in practice, and
merely wish to reform Capitalism and make it "cooperative." This is
also where the right wing Libertarians and advocates of a minimized
role for the state get the ideas. Marx attacked Proudhon as an
"idealist" and "utopian philosopher" for the Anarchist concept of
Mutual Aid.
Collectivists are Anarchists based directly on the ideas of Michael
Bakunin, the Russian Anarchist, the best-known advocate to the general
public of Anarchist theory. Bakunin's collectivist form of Anarchism
replaced Proudhon's insistence on individual possession with the idea
of Socialist possession by voluntary institutions, and the right to the
enjoyment of the individual product of his/her labor or its equivalent
still assured to the individual worker. This type of Anarchism involves
a direct threat to the class system and the Capitalist state, and is
the view that society can only be reconstructed when the working class
seizes control of the economy by a social revolution, destroys the
State apparatus, and reorganizes production on the basis of common
ownership and control by associations of working people. This form of
Anarchism is ideologically the basis of Anarchist-Syndicalism, or
revolutionary labor unionism.
Anarcho-Syndicalists are Anarchists who are active in the labor and
working class movements. Anarchist-Syndicalism is a form of Anarchism
for class-conscious workers and peasants, for militants and activists
in the labor movement, for libertarian Socialists who want equality as
well as liberty. As pointed out, this philosophy is based heavily an
the ideas of Bakunin, though its organizing techniques stem from the
French and Spanish CNT trade union movements (called "Syndicates"),
where Anarchists were heavily involved. This is the type of Anarchism
that influenced the IWW in North America and which expresses the view
that the Capitalist state must be toppled by a revolutionary form of
economic warfare called the General Strike, and that the economy must
be reorganized and based on industrial unions, which would be under the
counsel of the working class. All political matters would be handled by
either an Industrial Union Congress, while workplace matters would go
to a factory committee, elected by the workers themselves and under
their direct control. This type of Anarchism has great potential for
organizing an Anarchist working class movement in North America, if it
raises contemporary issues like the shortened workweek, factory
councils, the current depression and a fight back against the bosses'
offensive of the last 20 years against the working class world wide.
Anarchist-Communists are revolutionary Anarchists who believe in the
philosophy of class struggle, an end to Capitalism, and all forms of
oppression. Contrary to Anarchist-Syndicalism it does not limit itself
to workplace organizing. The philosophy is based on the theories of
Peter Kropotkin, another Russian Anarchist. Kropotkin and his fellow
Anarchist-Communists not only envisaged the commune and workers'
councils as the, proper guardians of production; they also attacked the
wage system in all its forms, and revived the ideas of Libertarian
communism. This type of Anarchism is known as Libertarian Socialism
also, and includes Mast Socialists who are also opposed to the State,
dictatorship, and party rule, though they are not Anarchists.
Since the 1870s the principles of Anarchist-Communism have been
accepted by most Anarchist organizations favoring revolution. This
Anarchist or Libertarian Communism must, of course, not be confused
with much better known communism of the Marxist-Leninists, the
communism which is based on state ownership of the economy and control
of the both production and distribution, and also on party
dictatorship. That form of authoritarian communist society is based on
oppression and slavery to the state, while we favor a free, voluntary
communism of shared resources. Libertarian Communism is not Bolshevism
and has no connection with or support for Lenin, Stalin, Trotsky or Mao
Tse Tung. It is not state or private control over the essentials of
life we seek, and we oppose all forms of dictatorship. Anarchist
communists seek to foster the growth of a new society in which freedom
to develop as one see it is integrated to the fullest extent with
social responsibility to others.
Autonomists are a new tendency in the Anarchist movement. This tendency
arose in the mid- 1980s in Germany and later spread to other countries
in Europe and North America. Students, intellectuals, and disaffected
workers made up this tendency originally, but there are also Anarchists
who call themselves Autonomists to imply they are not linked with a
federation, or are not doctrinaire or a purist. Like Liberating
Socialism, they seem to draw their ideology from both Marxism and some
tenets of Anarchist philosophy like Anarchist Communism, but they tend
to be more independent and very meticulous about explaining their
different identity.
In conclusion, this is one way to list the different tendencies in
Anarchist thought and practice. There may be many other ways to do it
and describe the historical development of each tendency. That may be
beyond the scope of this pamphlet But most Anarchists would agree on
these general statements: Anarchists hope for, construct theories
about, and act to promote the abolition of government, the State, and
the principle of authority that is central to contemporary social
forms, and to replace them with a social organization based on
voluntary cooperation between free individuals. All Anarchist
tendencies, except the Individualists (and to some extent, the
Mutualists), see this future society based an organic network of mutual
aid associations, workers' and consumers collectives, communes, and
other voluntary alliances, organized into regional units and other
non-authoritarian federations for the purpose of sharing ideas,
information technical skills and large scale technological, cultural
and recreational resources. All Anarchists believe in freedom from
hunger and want and are against all forms of class, sexual and racial
oppression, as well as all political manipulation by the State.
The philosophy is an evolving ideal in which many individuals and
social movements have influence. Feminism, Black Liberation, Gay
rights, the ecology movement and others, are all additions to the
awareness of the philosophy of Anarchism, and this influence has helped
in the advancement of the ideal of Anarchism as a social force in
modern society. These influences ensure that the Social revolution we
all anticipate will be as all encompassing and democratic as all, and
that all will be fully liberated, not just affluent straight, white
males.
Anarchist Versus Marxist-Leninist Thought on Organization of Society
Historically, there have been three major forms of socialism:
Libertarian Socialism (Anarchism), Authoritarian Socialism (Marxist
Communism), and Democratic Socialism (electoral social democracy). The
non-Anarchist left has echoed the bourgeoisie's portrayal of Anarchism
as an ideology of chaos and lunacy. But Anarchism and especially
Anarchist-Communism has nothing in common with this image. It is false
and made up by its ideological opponents, the Marxist-Leninists.
It is very difficult for the Marxist-Leninists to make an objective
criticism of Anarchism as such, because by its nature it undermines all
the suppositions basic to Marxism. If Marxism and Leninism, its variant
which emerged during the Russian revolution, is held out to be the
working class philosophy and the proletariat cannot owe its
emancipation to anyone but itself, it is hard to go back on it and say
that the working class is not yet ready to dispense with authority over
it. Lenin came up with the idea of a transitional State, which would
"wither away" over time, to go along with Marx's "dictatorship of the
proletariat." The Anarchists expose this line as counter- revolutionary
and sheer power grabbing. Over 75 years of Marxist-Leninist practice
has proven us right. These so-called "Socialist States" produced by
Marxist-Leninist doctrine have only produced Stalinist police states
where workers have no rights, a new ruling class of technocrats and
party politicians have emerged, and the class differential between
those the state favored over those it didn't created widespread
deprivation among the masses and another class struggle. But instead of
meeting such criticisms head an, they have concentrated their attacks
not on the doctrine of Anarchism, but on particular Anarchist
historical figures, especially Bakunin, an ideological opponent of Marx
in the First International of Socialist movements in the last century.
Anarchists are social revolutionaries, who seek a stateless, classless,
voluntary, cooperative federation of decentralized communes-based upon
social ownership, individual liberty and autonomous self-management of
social and economic life.
The Anarchists differ with the Marxists-Leninists in many areas, but
especially in organization building. They differ from the authoritarian
socialists in primarily three ways: they reject the Marxist-Leninist
notions of the "vanguard party," "democratic centralism," and the
"dictatorship of the proletariat," and Anarchists have alternatives to
each of them. The problem is that almost the entire left, including
some Anarchists, is completely unaware of Anarchism's tangible
structural alternatives of the Catalyst, Group, Anarchist Consensus,
and the Mass Commune.
The Anarchist alternative to the vanguard party is the catalyst group.
The catalyst group is merely an Anarchist-Communist federation of
affinity groups in action. This Catalyst group or revolutionary
anarchist federation would meet on a regular basis or only when there
was a necessity, depending on the wishes of the membership and the
urgency of social conditions. It would be made up of representatives
from or the affinity group itself, with full voting rights, privileges,
and responsibilities. It would set both policies and future actions to
be performed. It will produce both Anarchist-Communist theory and
social practice. It believes in the class struggle and the necessity to
overthrow Capitalist rule. It organizes in the communities and
workplaces. It is democratic and has no authority figures like a party
boss or central committee.
In order to make a revolution large-scale, coordinated movements are
necessary, and their formation is in no way counter to Anarchism. What
Anarchists are opposed to is hierarchical, power-tripping leadership
which suppresses the creative urge of the bulk of those involved, and
forces an agenda down their throats, Members of such groups are mere
servants and worshippers of the party leadership. But although
Anarchists reject this type of domineering leadership, they do
recognize that some people are more experienced articulate, or skilled
than others, and these people will play leadership action roles. These
persons are not authority figures, and can be removed at the will of
the body. There is also a conscious attempt to routinely rotate this
responsibility and to pass on these skills to each other, especially to
women and people of color, who would ordinarily not get the chance. The
experiences of these persons, who are usually veteran activists or
better qualified than most at the moment can help form and drive
forward movements, and even help crystallize the potential for
revolutionary change in the popular movement. What they cannot do is
take over the initiative of the movement itself. The members of these
groups reject hierarchical positions-anybody having more 'official"
authority than others-and unlike the M-L vanguard parties, the
Anarchist groups won't be allowed to perpetuate their leadership
through a dictatorship after the revolution. Instead, the catalyst
group itself will be dissolved and its members, when they are ready,
will be absorbed into the new society's collective decision-making
process Therefore these Anarchists are not leaders, but merely advisors
and organizers for a mass movement.
What we don't want or need is a group of authoritarians leading the
working class, and then establishing themselves as a centralized
decision-making command, instead of "withering away"; Marxist-Leninist
states have perpetuated authoritarian institutions (the secret police,
labor bosses, and the communist party) to maintain their power. The
apparent effectiveness of such organizations (we 're just as efficient
as the Capitalists) masks the way that "revolutionaries" who pattern
themselves after Capitalist institutions become absorbed by bourgeois
values, and completely isolated from the real needs and desires of
ordinary people.
The reluctance of Marxist-Leninists to accept revolutionary social
change is, however, above all seen in Lenin's conception of the party.
It is a prescription to just nakedly seize power and put it in the
hands of the Communist Party. The party that Leninists create today,
they believe, should become the (only) "Party of the Proletariat" in
which that class could organize and seize power. In practice, however,
this meant personal and party dictatorship, which they felt gave them
the right and duty to wipe out all other parties and political
ideologies. Both Lenin and Stalin killed millions of workers and
peasants, their left-wing ideological opponents, and even members of
the Bolshevik party. This bloody and treacherous history is why there
is so much rivalry and hostility between Marxist-Leninist and
Trotskyite parties today, and it is why the "workers' states," whether
in Cuba, China, Vietnam, or Korea are such oppressive bureaucracies
over their people. It is also why most of the East European Stalinist
countries had their government overthrown by the petty bourgeois and
ordinary citizens in the 1980s. Maybe we are witnessing the eclipse of
State communism entirely, since they have nothing new to say and will
never get those governments-back again.
While Anarchist groups reach decisions through Anarchist consensus, the
Marxist-Leninists organize through so-called democratic centralism.
Democratic centralism poses as a form of inner party democracy, but is
really just a hierarchy by which each member of a party-ultimately of a
society-is subordinate to a "higher"' member until one reaches the
all-powerful party central committee and its Chairman. This is a
totally undemocratic procedure, which puts the leadership above
criticism, even if it is above reproach. It is a bankrupt, corrupt
method of internal operations for a political organization. You have no
voice in such a party, and must be afraid to say any unflattering
comments to or about the leaders.
In Anarchist groups, proposals are talked out by members (none of whom
has authority over another), dissenting minorities are respected, and
each individual's participation is voluntary. Everyone has the right to
agree or disagree over policy and actions, and everyone's ideas are
given equal weight and consideration. No decision may be made until
each individual member or affiliated group that will be affected by
that decision has had a chance to express their opinion on the issue.
Individual members and affiliated groups shall retain the option to
refuse support to specific federation activities, but may not actively
obstruct such activities. In true democratic fashion, decisions for the
federation as a whole must be made by a majority of its members.
In most cases, there is no real need for formal meetings for the making
of decisions, what is needed is coordination of the actions of the
group. Of course, there are times when a decision has to be made, and
sometimes very quickly. This will be rare, but sometimes it is
unavoidable. The consensus, in that case, would then have to be among a
much smaller circle than the general membership of hundreds or
thousands. But ordinarily all that is needed is an exchange of
information and trust among parties, and a decision reaffirming the
original decision will be reached, if an emergency decision had to be
made. Of course, during the discussion, there will be an endeavor to
clarify any major differences and explore alternative courses of
action. And there will be an attempt to arrive at a mutually agreed
upon consensus between conflicting views As always, if there should be
an impasse or dissatisfaction with the consensus, a vote would be taken
and with a 2/3 majority, the matter would be accepted, rejected or
rescinded.
This is all totally contrary to the practice of Marxist-Leninist
parties where the Central Committee unilaterally sets policy for the
entire organization, and arbitrary authority reigns. Anarchists reject
centralization of authority and the concept of a Central Committee. All
groups are free associations formed out of committees, not
revolutionaries disciplined by fear of authority. When the size of the
work-groups (which could be fanned around Labor, fundraising,
anti-racism, women's rights, food and housing, et.) becomes cumbersome,
the organizations can be decentralized into two or several more
autonomous organizations, still united in one large federation. This
enables the group to expand limitlessly while maintaining its anarchic
form of decentralized self-management. It is sort of like the
scientific theory of a biological cell, dividing and redividing, but in
a political sense.
However, Anarchist groups aren't even necessarily organized loosely;
Anarchism is flexible and structure can be practically nonexistent or
very tight, depending upon the type of organization demanded by the
social conditions being faced. For instance, organization would tighten
during military operations or heightened political repression.
Anarchist-Communists reject the Marxist-Leninist concept of the
"dictatorship of the proletariat" and a so-called "workers' state," in
favor of the mass commune. Unlike members of Leninist parties, whose
daily lives are generally similar to present bourgeois lifestyles,
Anarchist organizational structures and lifestyles, through communal
living arrangements, urban tribes, affinity groups, squatting, etc.,
attempt to reflect the Liberated society of the future. Anarchists
built all kinds of communes and collective during the Spanish
Revolution of the 1930s, but were crushed by the fascists and the
Communists. Since the Marxist-Leninists don't build cooperative
structures, the nucleus of the new society, they can only see the world
in bourgeois political terms. They want to just seize State power and
institute their own dictatorship over the people and the workers,
instead of crushing State power and replacing it with a free,
cooperative society.
Of course, the party, they insist, represents the proletariat, and
there is no need for them to organize themselves outside of the party.
Yet even in the former Soviet Union the Communist Party membership only
represented five percent of the population. This is elitism of the
worst sort and even makes the Capitalist parties look democratic by
comparison. What the Communist Party was intended to represent in terms
of workers power is never made clear, but in true 1984 "doublethink"
fashion, the results are 75 years of political repression and State
slavery, instead of an era of "glorious Communist rule." They must be
held accountable politically for these crimes against the people, and
revolutionary political theory and practice. They have slandered the
names of Socialism and Communism.
We reject the dictatorship of the proletariat. It is unbridled
oppression, and the Marxist- Leninists and Stalinists must be made to
answer for it. Millions have been murdered by Stalin in the name of
fighting an internal class war, and millions more were murdered in
China Poland, Afghanistan Cambodia, and other countries by Communist
movements which followed Stalin's prescription for revolutionary
terror. We reject State communism as the worst aberration and tyranny.
We can do better than this with the mass commune.
The Anarchist mass commune (sometimes also called a Workers Council,
although there are some differences) is a national continental or
transnational federation of economic and political cooperatives and
regional communal formations. Anarchists look to a world and a society
in which real decision-making involves everyone who lives in it - a
mass commune - not a few discipline freaks pulling the strings in a
so-called "proletarian dictatorship." Any and all dictatorship is bad,
it has no deeming social features, yet that is what the Leninists tell
us will protect us from counterrevolution. While Marxist-Leninists
claim that this dictatorship is necessary in order to crush any
bourgeois counterrevolutions led by the Capitalist class or right- wing
reactionaries, Anarchists feel that this is itself part of the
Stalinist school of falsification. A centralized apparatus, such as a
state, is a much easier target for opponents of the revolution than is
an array of decentralized communes. And these communes would remain
armed and prepared to defend the revolution against anyone who
militarily moves against it. The key is to mobilize the people into
defense guards, militias and other military preparedness units.
This position by the Leninists of the necessity for a dictatorship to
protect the revolution was not proven in the Civil War which followed
the Russian revolution; in fact without support of the Anarchists and
other left-wing forces, along with the Russian people, the Bolshevik
government would have been defeated. And then true to any dictatorship,
it turned around and wiped out the Russian and Ukrainian Anarchist
movements, along with their left-wing opponents like the Mensheviks and
Social revolutionaries. Even ideological opponents in the Bolshevik
party were imprisoned and put to death. Lenin and Trotsky killed
millions of Russian citizens right after the Civil War, when they were
consolidating State power, which preceded Stalin's bloody rule. The
lesson is that we should not be tricked into surrendering the
grassroots people's power to dictators who pose as our friends or
leaders.
We don't need the Marxist-Leninists' solutions, they are dangerous and
deluding. There is another way, but, too much of the left and to many
ordinary people, the choice has appeared to be Anarchic "chaos" or the
Maoist "Communist" parties, however dogmatic and dictatorial. This is
primarily the result of misunderstanding and propaganda. But Anarchism
as an ideology provides feasible organizational structures, as well as
valid alternative revolutionary theory, which, if utilized could be the
basis for organization just as solid as the Marxist-Leninists (or even
more so). Only these organizations will be egalitarian and really for
the benefit of people, rather than for the Communist leaders.
Anarchism is not confined to the ideas of a single theoretician, and it
allows individual creativity to develop in collective groupings,
instead of the characteristic dogmatism of the Marxist- Leninists.
Therefore, not being cultist, it encourages a great deal of innovation
and experimentation, prompting its adherents to respond realistically
to contemporary conditions. It is the concept of making ideology fit
the demands of life, rather than trying to make life fit the demands of
ideology.
Therefore Anarchists build organizations in order to build a new world,
not to perpetuate our domination over the masses of people. We must
build an organized, coordinated international movement aimed at
transforming the globe into a mass commune. Such would really be a
great overleap in human evolution and a gigantic revolutionary stride.
It would change the world as we know it and end the special problems
long plaguing humankind. It would be a new era of freedom and
fulfillment. LETS GET ON WITH IT, WE'VE GOT A WORLD TO WIN!
General Principles of Anarchist-Communism
Since Anarchist-Communism is currently still the most important and
widely accepted form of Anarchism more needs to be said about this
dynamic revolutionary doctrine.
Anarchist-Communism is based on a conception of society that
harmoniously unites individual self-interest and social well-being.
Although Anarchist-Communists agree with Marx and many
Marxist-Leninists that Capitalism must be abolished because of its
crisis-ridden nature (here we reject the false term "anarchy of
production") and its exploitation of the working class, they do not
believe Capitalism is an indispensable, progressive precondition for
the transition to a socially beneficial economy. Nor do they believe
that the centralized economic planning of State Socialism can provide
for the wide diversity of needs or desires. They reject the very idea
of the need for a State or that it will just "wither away" of its own
accord; or a party to "boss over" the workers or "stage manage" the
revolution. In short, while accepting tenets of his economic critique
of Capitalism, they do not worship Karl Marx as an infallible leader
whose ideas can never be critiqued or revised, as the Marxist-Leninists
do; and Anarchist-Communism is not based on Marxist theory.
These Anarchists believe the "personal is political, and the political
is personal," meaning that one cannot divorce one's political life from
one's personal life. We do not play bureaucratic political roles, and
then have a separate life as another social being entirely.
Anarchist-Communists recognize that people are capable of determining
their own needs and of making the necessary arrangements to satisfy
those needs, provided that they have free access to social resources.
It is always a political decision whether those resources are to be
freely provided to all, so Anarchist-Communists believe in the credo of
"from each according to (their) means, to each according to their
needs." This assures that all will be fed, clothed, and housed as
normal social practice, not as demeaning welfare or that certain
classes will be better provided for than others.
When not deformed by corrupt social institutions and practices, the
interdependence and solidarity of human beings results in individuals
who are responsible both for themselves and to the society that makes
their well being and cultural development possible. Therefore, we seek
to replace the State and Capitalism with a network of voluntary
alliances embracing a of social life-production, consumption, health,
culture, recreation, and other areas. In this way all groups and
associations reap the benefits of unity while expanding the range of
their freedom. Anarchists believe in free association and federating
groups of collectives, workers' councils, food and housing
cooperatives, political collectives, with others of all types.
As a practical matter, Anarchist-Communists believe that we should
start to build the new society now, as well as fight to crush the old
Capitalist arm. They wish to create non- authoritarian mutual aid
organizations (for food, clothing, housing, funding for community
projects and others), neighborhood assemblies and cooperatives not
affiliated with either government or business corporations, and not run
far profit, but for social need. Such organizations, if built now, will
provide their members with a practical experience in self-management
and self-sufficiency, and will decrease the dependency of people on
welfare agencies and employers. In short, we can begin now to build the
infrastructure for the communal society so that people can see what
they are fighting for, not just the ideas in someone's head. That is
the real way to freedom.
Capitalism, the State and Private Property
The existence of the State and Capitalism a rationalized by their
apologists as being a "necessary evil" due to the alleged inability of
the greater part of the population to run their own affairs and those
of society, as well as being their protection against crime and
violence. Anarchists realize that quite to the contrary, the principal
barriers to a free society are State and the institution of private
property. It is the State which causes war, police repression, and
other forms of violence, and it is private property-the lack of equal
distribution of major social wealth-which causes crime and deprivation.
But what is the State? The State is a political abstraction, a
hierarchical institution by which a privileged elite strives to
dominate the vast majority of people. The State's mechanisms include a
group of institutions containing legislative assemblies, the civil
service bureaucracy, the military and police forces, the judiciary and
prisons, and the subcentral State apparatus. The government is the
administrative vehicle to run the State. (The purpose of this specific
set of institutions which are the expressions of authority in
capitalist societies (and so-called "Socialist states"), is the
maintenance and extension of domination over the common people by a
privileged class, the rich in Capitalist societies, the so-called
Communist party in State Socialist or Communist societies like the
former Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.
However, the State itself is always an elitist position structure
between the rulers and the ruled order-givers and order-takers, and
economic haves and have-nets. The State's elite is not just the rich
and the super-rich, but also those persons who assume State positions
of authority- politicians and juridical officials. Thus the State
bureaucracy itself, in terms of its relation to ideological property,
can become an elite class in its own right. This administrative elite
class of the State is developed not just the through dispensing of
privileges by the economic elite, but as well by the separation of
private and public life - the family unit and civil society
respectively - and by the opposition between an individual family and
the larger society. It is sheer opportunism, brought on by Capitalist
competition and alienation. It is a breeding ground for agents of the
State.
The existence of the State and a ruling classes, based on the
exploitation and oppression of the working class are inseparable.
Domination and exploitation go hand-in-hand and in fact this oppression
is not possible without force and violent authority. This is why
Anarchist- Communists argue that any attempt to use State power as a
means of establishing a free, egalitarian society can only be
self-defeating, because the habits of commanding and exploiting become
ends in themselves. This was proven with the Bolshevik in the Russian
Revolution (1917-1921). The fact is that officials of the "Communist"
State accumulate political power much as the Capitalist class
accumulates economic wealth. Those who govern form a distinct group
whose only interest is the retention of political control by any means
at their disposal. But the institution of Capitalist property,
moreover, permits a minority of the population to control and to
regulate access to, and the use of all socially produced wealth and
natural resources. You have to pay for the land, water, and the fresh
air to some giant utility company or real estate firm.
This controlling group may be a separate economic class or the State
itself, but in either case the institution of property leads to a set
of social and economic relations, Capitalism, in which a small sector
of society reaps enormous benefits and privileges at the expense of the
laboring minority. The Capitalist economy is based, not upon fulfilling
the needs of everyone, but on amassing profit for a few. Both
Capitalism and the State must be attacked and overthrown, not one or
the other, or one then the other, because the fall of either will not
ensure the fall of both. Down with Capitalism and the State!
No doubt, some workers will mistake what I am speaking of as a threat
to their personal accumulated property. No, Anarchists recognize the
distinction between personal possessions and major Capitalistic
property. Capitalistic Property is that which has as its basic
characteristic and purpose the command of other people's labor power
became of its exchange value. The institution of property conditions
the development of a set of social and economic relations, which has
established Capitalism, and this situation allows a small minority
within society to reap enormous benefits and privileges at the expense
of the laboring minority. This is the classic scenario of Capital
exploiting labor.
Where there is a high social division of labor and complex industrial
organization, money is necessary to perform transactions. It is not
simply that this money is legal tender, and it is used in place of
direct barter of goods. That is not what we are limited to here:
Capital is money, but money as a process, which reproduces and
increases its value. Capital arises only when the owner of the means of
production finds workers on the market as sellers of their own labor
power. Capitalism developed as the form of private property that
shifted from the rural agricultural style to the urban, factory style
of labor. Capitalism centralizes the instruments of production and
brings individuals closely alongside of others in a disciplined work
force. Capitalism is industrialized commodity production, which makes
goods for profit, not for social needs. This is a special distinction
of capital and capital alone.
We may understand Capitalism and the basis of our observations, as
Capital endowed with will and consciousness. That is, as those people
who acquire capital, and function as an elite, moneyed class with
enough national and political power to rule society. Further, that
accumulated capital is money, and with money they control the means of
production that is defined as the mills, mines, factories, land, water,
energy and other natural resources, and the rich know that this is
their property. They don't need ideological pretensions, and are under
no illusions about "public property".
An economy, such as the one we have briefly sketched, is not based on
fulfilling the needs of everyone in society, but instead is based on
the accumulation of profits for the few, who live in palatial luxury as
a leisure class, while the workers live in either poverty or one or two
paychecks removed. You see, therefore, that doing away with government
also signifies the abolition of monopoly and personal ownership of the
means of production and distribution.
Anarchism, Violence and Authority
One of the biggest lies about Anarchists is that they are mindless bomb
throwers, cutthroats, and assassins. People spread these lies for their
own reasons: governments, because they are afraid of being overthrown
by Social revolution; Marxist-Leninists, because it is a competing
ideology with a totally different concept of social organization and
revolutionary struggle; and the Church, because Anarchism does not
believe in deities and its rationalism might sway workers away from
superstition. It is true that these lies and propaganda are able to
sway many people primarily because they never hear the other side.
Anarchists receive bad press and suffer a scapegoat of every
politician, right or left wing.
Because a Social revolution is an Anarchist revolution, which not only
abolishes one exploiting class for another, but all exploiters and the
instrument of exploitation, the State. Because it is a revolution for
people's power, instead of political power; because it abolishes both
money and wage slavery; because Anarchists are for total democracy and
freedom instead of politicians to represent the masses in Parliament,
Congress, or the Communist Party; because Anarchists are for workers'
self- management of industry, instead of government regulation; because
Anarchists are for full sexual, racial, cultural and intellectual
diversity, instead of sexual chauvinism, cultural repression,
censorship, and racial oppression; lies have had to be told that the
Anarchists are killers, rapists, robbers, mad bombers, unsavory
elements, the worst of the worst.
But let's look at the real world and set who is causing all this
violence and repression of human rights. The wholesale murder by
standing armies in World Wars I and II, the pillage and rape of former
colonial counties, military invasions or so-called "police operations"
in Korea and Vietnam - all of these have been done by governments. It
is government and state/class rule, which is the source of all
violence. This includes all governments. The so-called "Communist"
world is not communist and the "Free" world is not free. East and West,
Capitalism, private or state remains an inhuman type of society where
the vast majority is bossed at work, at home, and in the community.
Propaganda (news and literary), policemen and soldiers, prisons and
schools, traditional values and morality all serve to reinforce the
power of the few and to convince or correct the many into passive
acceptance of a brutal degrading and irrational system. This is what
Anarchists mean by authority being oppression, and it is just such
authoritarian rule which is at work in the United States of America, as
well as the "Communist" governments of China or Cuba.
"What is the thing we call government? Is it anything but organized
violence? The law orders you to obey, and if you don't obey, it will
compel you by force - all governments, all law and authority finally
rest enforce and violence, on punishment or fear of punishment.
- Alexander Berkman, in ABC of Anarchism
There are revolutionaries, including many Anarchists, who advocate
armed overthrow of the capitalist State. They do not advocate or
practice mass murder, like the governments of the modern world with
their stockpiles of nuclear bombs, poison gas and chemical weapons,
huge air forces, navies and armies and who are hostile to one another.
It was not the Anarchists who provoked two World Wars where over 100
million persons were slaughtered; nor was it the Anarchists who invaded
and butchered the peoples of Korea, Panama, Somalia, Iraq, Indonesia,
and other countries who have sustained imperialist military snack. It
was not the Anarchists who sent armies of spies all over the world to
murder, corrupt, subvert, overthrow and meddle into the internal
affairs of other countries like the CIA, KGB, MI6 or other national spy
agencies, nor use them as secret police to uphold the home governments
in various countries, no matter how repressive and unpopular the
regime. Further, if your government makes you a policeman or soldier,
you kill and repress people in the name of "freedom" or "law and order".
"You don't question the right of the government to kill, to
confiscate and imprison. If a private person should be guilty of the
things that the government is doing all the time, you'd brand him a
murderer, thief and scoundrel. Bur as long as the violence committed is
"lawful" you approve of it and submit to it. So it is not real violence
that you object to, but people using violence unlawfully"
- Alexander Berkman, in ABC of Anarchism
If we speak honestly we must admit that everyone believes in violence
and practices it, however they may condemn it in others. Either they do
it themselves or they have the police or army to do it on their behalf
as agents of the state. In fact, all of the governmental institutions
we presently support and the entire life of present society are based
on violence. In fact America is the most violent country on earth, or
as one SNCC comrade, H. Rap Brown, was quoted as saying: "violence is
as American as apple pie (!)" The United States goes all over the world
committing violence, it assassinates heads of State, overthrows
governments, slaughters civilians in the hundreds of thousands, and
makes a prison out of captive nations, such as it is doing in Iraq and
Somalia, at the present time. We are expected to passively submit to
these crimes of conquest, that is the hallmark of a good citizen.
So Anarchists have no monopoly and violence, and when it was used in
so-called "propaganda of the deed" attacks, it was against tyrants and
dictators, rather than against the common people. These individual
reprisals - bombings, assassinations, sabotage - have been efforts at
making those in power personally responsible for their unjust acts and
repressive authority. But in fact, Anarchists, Socialists, Communists
and other revolutionaries, as well as patriots and nationalists, and
even reactionaries and racists like the Ku Klux Klan or Nazis have all
used violence for a variety of reasons. Who would not have rejoiced if
a dictator like Hitler had been slain by assassins, and thus spared the
world racial genocide and the Second World War? Further, all
revolutions are violent because the oppressing class will not give up
power and privileges without a bloody fight. So we have no choice
anyway.
Basically, we would all choose to be pacifists. And like Dr. Martin
Luther King Jr. counseled, we would rather resolve our differences with
understanding, love and moral reasoning. We will attempt these
solutions first, whenever possible. In the insanity that reigns,
however, our movement acknowledge the utility of preparedness. It is
too dangerous a world to be ignorant of the ways to defend ourselves so
that we can continue our revolutionary work. Bring acquainted with a
weapon and its uses does not mean that you must immediately go out and
use that weapon, but that if you need to use it, you can use it well.
We are forced to acknowledge that the American progressive and radical
movements have been too pacifist to be truly effective. We also realize
that open groups that proposed cooperative change and were basically
nonviolent like the IWW, were crushed violently by the government and
finally we have unfortunate example of Dr. King, Jr. himself, who was
assassinated in 1968 by a conspiracy of agents of the State, most
likely the FBI.
Understand that the more we succeed at our work, the more dangerous
will our situation become, because we will then be recognized as a
threat to the State. And, make no mistake, the insurrection is coming.
An American Intifada that will destabilize the state. So we are talking
about a spontaneous, prolonged, rising of the vast majority of the
people, and the necessity to defend our Social revolution. Although we
recognize the importance of defensive paramilitary violence, and even
urban guerilla attacks, we do not depend upon war to achieve our
liberation, for our struggle cannot be won by the force of arms alone.
No, the people must be armed beforehand with understanding and
agreement of our objectives, as well as trust and love of the
revolution, and our military weapons are only an expression of our
organic spirit and solidarity. Perfect love for the people, perfect
hate for the enemy. As the Cuban revolutionary, Che Guevara, said:
"When one falls, another must take (their) place, and the rage of each
death renews the reason for the fight"
The governments of the world commit much of their violence in
repressing any attempt to overthrow the State. Crimes of repression
against the people have usually benefited those in power, especially if
the government is powerful. Look what happened in the United States
when the Black revolution of the 1960s was repressed. Many protesting
injustice were jailed, murdered, injured, or blacklisted - all of which
was set up by the State's secret police agencies. The movement was
beaten down for decades as a result. So we cannot just depend on mass
mobilizations alone, or just engage in underground offensives, if we
want to defeat the state and its repression; some mid-place between the
two must be found. For the future, our work will include development of
collective techniques of self-defense, as well as underground work
while we work towards social revolution.
Anarchists and Revolutionary Organization
Another lie about Anarchism is that they are nihilistic and don't
believe in any organizational structure. Anarchists are not opposed to
organization. In fact, Anarchism is primarily concerned about analyzing
the way in which society is presently organized, i.e., government.
Anarchism is all about organization, but it is about alternative forms
of organization to what now exists. Anarchism's opposition to authority
leads to the view that organization should be non- hierarchical and
that membership would be voluntary. Anarchist revolution is a process
of organization building and rebuilding. This does not mean the same
thing as the Marxist-Leninist concept of "party building, which is just
about strengthening the role of party leaders and driving out those
members those who have an independent position. These purges are
methods of domination that the ML's use to beat all democracy out of
their movements, yet they facetiously call this "democratic centralism".
What organization means within Anarchism is to organize the needs of
the people into non- authoritarian social organizations so that they
can take care of their own business on an equal basis. It also means
the coming together of like-minded people for the purpose of
coordinating the work that both groups and individuals feel necessary
for their survival, well being, and livelihood. So because Anarchism
involves people who would come together on the basis of mutual needs
and interests cooperation is a key element. A primary aim is that the
individuals should speak for themselves, and that all in the group be
equally responsible for the group's decisions; no leaders or bosses
here!
Many Anarchists would even envisage large scale organizational needs in
terms of small local groups organized in the workplace, collectives,
neighborhoods, and other areas, who would send delegates to larger
committees who would make decisions on matters of wider concern. The
job of delegate would not be full-time; it would be rotated. Although
their out-of-pocket expenses would be paid, the delegate would be
unpaid, recallable and would only voice the group's decisions. The
various schools of Anarchism differ in emphasis concerning
organization. For example, Anarcho-Syndicalists stress the
revolutionary labor union and other workplace formations as the basic
unit of organization, while the Anarchist-Communists recognize the
commune as the highest form of social organization. Others may
recognize other formations as most important, but they all recognize
and support free, independent organizations of the people as the way
forward.
The nucleus of Anarchist-Communist organization is the Affinity Group.
The affinity group is a revolutionary circle or "cell" of friends and
comrades who are in tune with each other both in ideology and as
individuals. The affinity group exists to coordinate the needs of the
group, as expressed by individuals and by the cell as a body. The group
becomes an extended family; the well being of all becomes the
responsibility of all.
"Autonomous, communal, and directly democratic, the group combines
revolutionary theory with revolutionary lifestyle in its everyday
behavior. It creates a free space in which revolutionaries can remake
themselves individually, and also as social beings."
- Murray Bookchin, in Post Scarcity Anarchism
We could also refer to these affinity formations as "groups for living
revolution" because they live the revolution now, even though only in
seed form. Because the groups are small - from three to fifteen - they
can start from a stronger basis of solidarity than mere political
strategy alone. The groups would be the number one means of political
activity of each member. There are four areas of involvement where
affinity groups work:
1. Mutual Aid: this means giving support and solidarity between members, as well as collective work and responsibility.
2.
Education: in addition to educating the society at-large to Anarchist
ideals, this includes study by members to advance the ideology of the
groups, as well as to increase their political, economic, scientific
and technical knowledge.
3. Action: this
means the actual organizing, and political work of the group outside
the collective, where all members are expected to contribute.
4.
Unity: the group is a form of family, a gathering of friends and
comrades, people who care for the well-being of one another, who love
and support each other, who strive to live in the spirit of cooperation
and freedom; void of distrust, jealousy, hate, competition and other
forms of negative social ideas and behavior. In short, affinity groups
allow a collective to live a revolutionary lifestyle.
A big advantage of affinity groups is that they are highly resistant to
police infiltration. Because the group members are so intimate, the
groups are very difficult to infiltrate agents into them, and even if a
group is penetrated, there is no 'central office" which would give an
agent information about the movement as a whole. Each cell has its own
politics, agenda, and objectives. Therefore he would have to infiltrate
hundreds, maybe thousands, of similar groups. Further, since the
members all know each other, he could not lead disruptions without risk
of immediate exposure, which would blunt an operation like the
COINTELPRO used by the FBI against the Black and progressive movements
ring the 1960s. Further, because there are no leaders in the movement,
there is no one to target and destroy the group.
Because they can grow as biological cells grow, by division, they can
proliferate rapidly. There could be hundreds in one large city or
region. They prepare for the emergence of a mass movement; they will
organize large numbers of people in order to coordinate activities as
their needs become apparent and as social conditions dictate. Affinity
groups function as a catalyst within the mass movement, pushing it to
higher and higher levels of resistance to the authorities. But they are
ready-made for underground work in the event of open political
repression or mass insurrection.
This leads us to the next level of Anarchist organizations, the area
and regional federation. Federations are the networks of affinity
groups who come together out of common needs, which include mutual aid,
education, action, and any other work deemed to be needed for the
transformation of current society from the authoritarian state to
Anarchist-Communism. The following is an example of how
Anarchist-Communist federations could be structured. First, then is the
area organization, which could cover a large city or county. All
like-minded affinity groups in the area would associate themselves in a
local federation. Agreements on ideology, mutual aid, and action to be
undertaken would be made at meetings in which all can come and have
equal voice.
When the local area organization reaches a size where it is deemed to
be too big, the area federation would initiate a Coordinating Consensus
Council. The purpose of the Council is to coordinate the needs and
actions defined by all the groups, including the possibility of
splitting and creating another federation. Each local area's affinity
group would be invited to send representatives to the council with all
the viewpoints of their group, and as a delegate they could vote and
join in making policy on behalf of the group at the council.
Our next federation would be on a regional basis, say the entire South
or Midwest. This organization would take care of the whole region with
the same principles of consensus and representation. Next would come a
national federation to cover the U.S.A, and the continental federation,
the latter of which would cover the continent of North America. Last
would be the global organizations, which would be the networking of all
federations worldwide. As for the latter because Anarchists do not
recognize national borders and wish to replace the nation- state, they
thus federate with all other like-minded people wherever they are
living on the planet earth.
But for Anarchism to really work, the needs of the people must be
fulfilled. So the first priority of Anarchists is the well being of
all; thus we must organize the means to fully and equally fulfill the
needs of the people. First, the means of production, transportation,
and distribution must be organized into revolutionary organizations
that the workers and the community run and control themselves. The
second priority of the Anarchists is to deal with community need
organizations, in addition to industrial organizing. Whatever the
community needs are, then they must be dealt with. This means
organization. It includes cooperative groups to fulfill such needs as
health, energy, jobs, childcare, housing, alternative schools, food,
entertainment, and other social areas. These community groups would
form a cooperative community, which would be a network of community
needs organizations and serve as an Anarchistic sociopolitical
infrastructure. These groups should network with those in other areas
for mutual aid education, and action, and become a federation on a
regional scale.
Third, Anarchists would have to deal with social illness. Not only do
we organize for the physical needs of the people, but must also work
and propagandize to cure the ills sprouted by the State, which has
warped the human personality under Capitalism. For instance, the
oppression of women must be addressed. No one can be free if 51 percent
of society is oppressed, dominated and abused. Not only must we form an
organization to deal with the harmful effects of sexism, but work to
ensure patriarchy is dead by educating society about its harmful
effects .The same must be done with racism, but in addition to
reeducation of society, we work to alleviate the social and economic
oppression of Black and other nonwhite peoples, and empower them for
self-determination to lead free lives. Anarchists need to form groups
to expose and combat racial prejudice and Capitalist exploitation, and
extend full support and solidarity to the Black liberation movement.
Finally, Anarchism would deal with a number of areas too numerous to
mention here - science, technology, ecology, disarmament, human rights
and so on. We must harness the social sciences and make them serve the
people, while we coexist with nature. Authoritarians foolishly believe
that it is possible to "conquer" nature, but that is not the issue. We
are just one of a number of species which inhabit this planet even if
we are the most intelligent. But then other species have not created
nuclear weapons, started wars where millions have been killed, or
engaged in discrimination against the races of their sub-species, all
of which humankind has done. So who is to say which one is the most
"intelligent?"
Why Am I An Anarchist?
The Anarchist movement in North America is overwhelmingly white, middle
class, and for the most part, pacifist so the question arises: why am I
a part of the Anarchist movement, since I am none of those things?
Well, although the movement may not now be what I think it should be in
North America, I visualize a mass movement that will have hundreds of
thousands, perhaps millions of Black, Hispanic and other non-white
workers in it. It will not be an Anarchist movement that Black workers
and the other oppressed will just "join" - it will be an independent
movement which has its own social outlook, cultural imperative, and
political agenda. It will be Anarchist at its core, but it will also
extend Anarchism to a degree no previous European social or cultural
group ever has done. I am certain that many of these workers will
believe, as I do, that Anarchism is the most democratic, effective, and
radical way to obtain our freedom, but that we must be free to design
our own movements, whether it is understood or "approved" by North
American Anarchists or not. We must fight for our freedom, no one else
can free us, but they can help us.
I wrote the pamphlet to: (1) inspire a national anti-racist and
anti-cop brutality federation, which would be Anarchist-initiated or at
least be heavily participated in by Anarchists; (2) create a coalition
between Anarchists and revolutionary Black organizations such as the
new Black Panther movement of the 1990s; and (3) to spark a new
revolutionary ferment and organizations in the African-American and
other oppressed communities, where Anarchism is a curiosity, if that. I
thought that if a serious, respected libertarian revolutionary put
these ideas forth they would be more likely to be considered than just
by a white Anarchist, no matter how well motivated. I believe I am
correct about that. So here is why I am an Anarchist.
In the 1960s I was part of a number of Black revolutionary movements,
including the Black Panther Party, which I feel partially failed
because of the authoritarian leadership style of Huey P. Newton, Bobby
Seale and others on the Central Committee. This is not a recrimination
against those individuals, but many errors were made because the
national leadership was too divorced from the chapters in cities all
over the country, and therefore engaged in "commandism" or forced work
dictated by leaders. But many contradictions were also set up because
of the structure of the organization as a Marxist-Leninist group. There
was not a lot of inner-party democracy, and when contradictions came
up, it was the leaders who decided on their resolution, not the
members. Purges became commonplace, and many good people were expelled
from the group simply because they disagreed with the leadership.
Because of the over-importance of central leadership, the national
organization was ultimately liquidated entirely, packed up and shipped
back to Oakland, California. Of course, many errors were made because
the BPP was a young organization and was under intense attack by the
state. I do not want to imply that the internal errors were the primary
contradictions that destroyed the BPP. The police attacks on it did
that, but, if it were better and more democratically organized, it may
have weathered the storm. So this is no mindless criticism or
backstabbing attack. I loved the party. And, anyway, not myself or
anyone else who critique the party with hindsight, will ever take away
from the tremendous role that the BPP played in the Black Liberation
movement of the 1960s. But we must look at a full picture of our
organizations from that period, so that we do not repeat the same
errors.
I think my brief period in the Panthers was very important because it
taught me about the limits of - and even the bankruptcy of - leadership
in a revolutionary movement. It was not a question of a personality
defect on behalf of particular leader, but rather a realization that
many times leaders have one agenda, followers have another.
I also learned this lesson during my association with the African
People's Socialist Party during the 1980s when I had gotten out of the
joint. I had met Omali Yeshitela while I was confined in Leavenworth
(KS.) federal pen, when he was invited to our annual Black Solidarity
Bay festivities in 1979. This association continued when they formed
the Black prisoners' organization, the African National Prison
Organization shortly thereafter. ANPO was definitely a good support
organization, and along with News and Letters Committees the Kentucky
branch of the National Alliance Against Racism and Political
Repression, and the Social revolutionary Anarchist Federation (now
defunct), they wrote letters and made phone calls to have me
hospitalized after I had been infected with Tuberculosis, which saved
my life. But the group folded when the proposed coalition of founding
organizations collapsed due to sectarianism.
After I got out of prison, I lost contact with them as they had moved
from Louisville to the West Coast. It was not until 1987 that I once
again contacted them when we were having a mass demonstration against
police brutality in my hometown. They were invited and came to the
demo, along with NAPO and several left-wing forces, and for two years
off and on, I had an association with them. But I felt APSP politically
was always an authoritarian organization, and even though was never a
member, I became more and more uncomfortable with their organizational
policies. In the Summer of 1988, I went to Oakland, California to
attend an "organizers' school," but I also wanted to satisfy myself
about the internal workings of the group. For six weeks, I worked with
them out of their national headquarters in the local community. I was
able to determine for myself about internal matters and also about the
politics of the group itself. I found out that about a whole history of
purges, factional fights, and the 'one man" dictatorial leadership
style of the Party. While in Oakland, I was asked to attend a meeting
in Philadelphia that Fall to reestablish ANPO.
I attended the Philly meeting, but was very concerned when I was
automatically placed as part of a "slate" to be officers of the ANPO
group, without any real democratic discussion among the proposed
membership, or allowing others to put themselves forward as potential
candidates. I was in fact made the highest-ranking officer in the
group. Although I still believe that there should be a mass political
prisoners' movement and especially a Black prisoners' movement, I
became convinced that this was not it. I believe that it will take a
true coalition of forces in the Black and progressive movements to
build a mass base of support. I got to feeling that these folks just
wanted to push the party and its politics, rather than free prisoners,
and so I just dropped out and haven't dealt with them since. I was very
disillusioned and depressed when I learned the truth. I won't be used
by anybody - not for long.
The early stages of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee was a
contrast in many ways to any Black freedom group to come before or
after. Part of the SNCC activists were middle class college
intellectuals, with a small number of working class grassroots
activists, but they developed a working style that was very
anti-authoritarian and was unique to the Civil rights movement. Instead
of bringing in a national leader to lead local struggles, like Dr.
Martin Luther King Jr. and his group, the Southern Christian Leadership
Council, was wont to do. SNCC sent in field organizers to work with the
local people and develop indigenous leadership and help organize, but
not take over local struggles. They placed their faith in the ability
of the people to determine an agenda which would best serve them and
lead themselves to obtain their goals rather than being inspired or
told what to do by a leader. SNCC itself had no strong leaders, even
though it had persons in decision-making authority, but they were
accountable to membership boards and the community in a way no other
group in the civil rights movement was.
SNCC was also a non-secular organization, in contrast to SCLC, which
was formed by Black preachers and had co-opted their style of
organizing from the Black church, with a religious authority figure who
gave orders to the troops. Today most political commentators or
historians still do not want to give full credit to the effectiveness
of SNCC, but many of the most powerful and successful struggles of the
Civil rights movement were initiated and won by SNCC, including most of
the voting rights struggles and the Mississippi phase of the freedom
movement. I learned a lot about internal democracy by being a part of
SNCC, how it could make or break an organization, and how it had so
much to do with the morale of the members. Everyone was given an
opportunity to participate in decision-making, and felt part of a great
historical mission, which would change their lives forever. They were
right. Even though SNCC gave some lifelong lessons to all of us
involved, even if it was destroyed by the rich and their own, who
resorted to an authoritarian style in later years.
I also began to have a rethinking process after I was forced to leave
the U.S. and go to Cuba, Czechoslovakia and other countries in the
"Socialist bloc," as it was called then. It was clear that these
countries were essentially police states, even though they had brought
many significant reforms and material advances to their peoples over
what had existed before. I observed also that racism existed in those
countries, along with the denial of basic democratic rights and poverty
on a scale I would not have thought possible. I also saw a great deal
of corruption by the Communist Party leaders and State administrators,
who were well off, while the workers were mere wage slaves. I thought
to myself, "there has to be a better way!" There is. It is Anarchism,
which I started to read about when I was captured in East Germany and
had heard more about when I was eventually thrown into prison in the
United States.
Prison is a place where one continually thinks about his other past
life, including the examination of new or contrary ideas, I began to
think about what I had seen in the Black movement, along with my
mistreatment in Cuba, my capture and escape in Czechoslovakia, and my
final capture in East Germany. I replayed all this over and over in my
head. I was first introduced to Anarchism in 1969, immediately after I
was brought back to the U.S. and was placed in the federal lockup in
New York City, where I met Martin Sostre. Sostre told me about how to
survive in prison, the importance of fighting for prisoners' democratic
rights, and about Anarchism. This short course in Anarchism did not
stick however, even though I greatly respected Sostre personally,
because I did not understand the theoretical concepts.
Finally around 1973, after I had been locked up for about three years,
I started receiving Anarchist literature and correspondence from
Anarchists who had heard about my case. This began my slow
metamorphosis to a confirmed Anarchist, and in fact it was not until a
few years later that I came over. During the late 1970s, I was adopted
by Anarchist Black Cross-England and also by a Dutch Anarchist group
called HAPOTOC, (Help A Prisoner Oppose Torture Organizing Committee),
which organized an instrumental defense campaign. This proved crucial
in ultimately getting people all over the world to write the U. S.
government to demand my release.
I wrote a succession of articles for the Anarchist press, and was a
member of the Social revolutionary Anarchist Federation, the IWW, and a
number of other Anarchist groups in the U.S. and around the world. But
I became disheartened by the Anarchist movement's failure to fight
white supremacy and its lack of class struggle politics. So, in 1979, I
wrote a pamphlet called Anarchism and the Black Revolution, to act as a
guide to the discussion of these matters by our movement. Finally, in
1983, I was released from prison, after having served almost 15 years.
For all these years, the pamphlet influenced a number of Anarchists who
were opposed to racism and also wanted a more class struggle-oriented
approach than the movement then afforded. Meanwhile I had fallen away
from the Anarchist movement in disgust, and it was not until 1992 when
I was working in my hometown of Chattanooga, Tennessee, as an
anti-racist community organizer, that I ran into an Anarchist named
John Johnson and once again made contact. He gave me an issue of Love
and Rage newspaper, and as a result, I contacted Chris Day of Love and
Rage, and comrades in WSA in New York. The rest, as they say, is
history. I have been back with a vengeance ever since!
All of a sudden, I see there are now others in the movement who
understand the workings of white supremacy and they have encouraged me
to rewrite this pamphlet I have gratefully done so. Why am I an
Anarchist? I have an alternative vision for the revolutionary process.
There is a better way. Let us get on with it!
What I Believe
All anarchists do not believe in the same things. There are differences
and the field is broad enough that those differences can coexist and be
respected. So I don't know what others believe, I just know what I
believe in and I will spell out it simply, but thoroughly.
I believe in Black liberation, so I am a Black revolutionary. I believe
that Black people are oppressed both as workers and a distinct
nationality, and will only be freed by a Black revolution, which is an
intrinsic part of a Social revolution. I believe that Blacks and other
oppressed nationalities must have their own agenda, distinct
world-view, and organizations of struggle, even though they may decide
to work with workers.
I believe in the destruction of the world Capitalist System, so I am an
anti-imperialist. As long as Capitalism is alive on the planet, there
will be exploitation, oppression and nation-states. Capitalism is
responsible for the major world wars, numerous brush wars, and millions
of people starving for the profit motive of the rich countries in the
West.
I believe in racial justice, so I am an anti-racist, The Capitalist
system was mated by and is maintained by enslavement and colonial
oppression of the African people, and before there will be a social
revolution white supremacy must be defeated. I also believe that
Africans in America are colonized and exist as an internal colonial of
the U.S, white mother country. I believe that white workers must give
up their privileged status, their "white identity," and must support
racially oppressed workers in their fights for equality and national
liberation. Freedom cannot be bought by enslaving and exploiting others.
I believe in social justice and economic equality, so I am a
Libertarian Socialist. I believe that society and all parties
responsible for its production should share the economic products of
labor. I do not believe in Capitalism or the state, and believe they
both should be overthrown and abolished. I accept the economic critique
of Marxism, but not its model for political organizing. I accept the
anti-authoritarian critique of Anarchism, but not its rejection of the
class struggle.
I believe in workers control of society and industry, so I am an
Anarcho-Syndicalist. Anarchist Syndicalism is revolutionary labor
unionism, where direct action tactics are used to fight Capitalism and
take over industry. I believe that the factory committees workers'
councils and other labor organizations should be the workplaces, and
should take control from the Capitalists after a direct action campaign
of sabotage, strikes, sitdowns, factory occupations and other actions.
I do not believe in government, and so I am an Anarchist. I believe
that government is one of the worst forms of modem oppression, is the
source of war and economic oppression, and must be overthrown.
Anarchism means that we will have more democracy, social equality, and
economic prosperity. I oppose all forms of oppression found in modem
society: patriarchy, white supremacy, Capitalism, State Communism,
religious dictates, gay discrimination, etc.